Rfc discussion
September 8th, 2008Rfc discussion
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RFC 3005 (rfc3005) - IETF Discussion List Charter
RFC 3005 - IETF Discussion List Charter ... Network Working Group S. Harris Request for Comments: 3005 Merit ... (more...)
RFC 139 (rfc139) - Discussion of Telnet Protocol
RFC 139 - Discussion of Telnet Protocol ... Network Working Group T. O'Sullivan Request for Comments: 139 ... (more...)
RFC-Editor Webpage
As part its role in supporting the RFC Editor function, the Internet Architecture Board (IAB) has created a public mailing list for the discussion of the RFC Independent ... (more...)
RFC: Discussion group docs
I started a page for docs for users of the discussion group: http://discuss.userland.com/docs/default. Check it out. If you have questions that you think should be answered on that ... (more...)
RFC 3005 - IETF Discussion List Charter
From draft-ietf-poisson-listaup] BEST CURRENT PRACTICE Network Working Group S. Harris Request for Comments: 3005 ... (more...)
RFC 3005 - IETF Discussion List Charter
RFC 3005 on 'IETF Discussion List Charter' (Published: Monday, November 27th, 2000 - The RFC Archive) (more...)
rfc-interest Info Page
rfc-interest -- A list for discussion of the RFC series and RFC Editor functions. About rfc-interest (more...)
RFC 719 - Discussion on RCTE
RFC 719 on 'Discussion on RCTE' (Published: Thursday, October 15th, 1992 - The RFC Archive) ... Network Working Group Jon Postel (SRI-ARC) Request ... (more...)
Resolved Question: I need you reaction to the Dirty Secret of the Bailout, what do u think?
Decisions by the Secretary pursuant to the authority of this Act are non-reviewable and committed to agency discretion, and may not be reviewed by any court of law or any administrative agency.
In short, the so-called "mother of all bailouts," which will transfer $700 billion taxpayer dollars to purchase the distressed assets of several failed financial institutions, will be conducted in a manner unchallengeable by courts and ungovernable by the People's duly sworn representatives. All decision-making power will be consolidated into the Executive Branch - who, we remind you, will have the incentive to act upon this privilege as quickly as possible, before they leave office. The measure will run up the budget deficit by a significant amount, with no guarantee of recouping the outlay, and no fundamental means of holding those who fail to do so accountable.
Is this starting to sound familiar? Robert Kuttner cuts through much of the gloss in an article in today's American Prospect:
The deal proposed by Paulson is nothing short of outrageous. It includes no oversight of his own closed-door operations. It merely gives congressional blessing and funding to what he has already been doing, ad hoc. He plans to retain Wall Street firms as advisors to decide just how to cut deals to value and mop up Wall Street's dubious paper. There are to be no limits on executive compensation for the firms that get relief, and no equity share for the government in exchange for this massive infusion of capital. Both Obama and McCain have opposed the provision denying any judicial review of decisions made by Paulson ? a provision that evokes the Bush administration's suspension of normal constitutional safeguards in its conduct of foreign policy and national security. ...
The differences between this proposed bailout and the three closest historical equivalents are immense. When the Reconstruction Finance Corporation of the 1930s pumped a total of $35 billion into U.S. corporations and financial institutions, there was close government supervision and quid pro quos at every step of the way. Much of the time, the RFC became a preferred shareholder, and often appointed board members. The Home Owners Loan Corporation, which eventually refinanced one in five mortgage loans, did not operate to bail out banks but to save homeowners. And the Resolution Trust Corporation of the 1980s, created to mop up the damage of the first speculative mortgage meltdown, the S&L collapse, did not pump in money to rescue bad investments; it sorted out good assets from bad after the fact, and made sure to purge bad executives as well as bad loans. And all three of these historic cases of public recapitalization were done without suspending judicial review.
Kuttner's opposition here is perhaps the strongest language I've seen used, pushing back on this piece of legislation, in any publication of repute, and even here, Section 8 is not cited by name or by content. McClatchy Newspapers also alludes to Section 8 with concern, citing the "unfettered authority" that Paulson would be granted, and noting that the "law also would preclude court review of steps Paulson might take, something Joshua Rosner, managing director of economic researcher Graham Fisher & Co. in New York, said could be used to mask previous illegal activity." Jack Balkin also gives the matter the sort of attention it deserves on his blog, Balkinization.
But elsewhere, the conversation is muted. The debate over whether Congress is going to pass the Paulson bailout package, or pass the Paulson bailout package really hard seems to have boiled down to a discussion of time and concessions. The White House has made it clear that they want this package passed yesterday. Congressional Democrats seem to be of different minds on the matter, with some pushing back hard, and others content to demand a small dollop of turd polish to make the package seem more aesthetically pleasing, at which point, they'll likely roll over and pass the bill. Neither candidate, John McCain or Barack Obama, seem all that amenable toward the bailout, but neither have either demonstrated that they are willing to risk their candidacies to do much more than exploit the issue for electoral purposes.
Sunday morning came and went, with Paulson traipsing dutifully from studio to studio, facing nary a question on Section 8. Front page articles in the New York Times, Washington Post, and the Wall Street Journal detail the wranglings, but make no mention of this section of the legislation. On TV, cable news networks are stuck in the fog of the ongoing presidential campaign.
Throughout the coverage, one catches a whiff of what seems like substantive pushback on this power grab, but it largely amounts to a facsimile of journalistic diligence. Most note, in general terms, that the bailout represents a set of "broad powers" that will be granted to the Department of the Treasury. Yet the coverage offsets these concern
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